The fourth type of market failure arises because real-world consumers and producers are not perfectly informed about all goods and prices. Where lack of such
knowledge is
significant, information failure leads to an inefficient outcome in a
market system.
A good example is the health effect of tobacco consumption. In a
free market,
no firm has an incentive to circulate information about the hazards
of smoking.
The demand curve for cigarettes has shifted outwards above what the
level would be
if information was symmetric. It is obvious that tobacco companies
have no
incentive to rectify the asymmetry. Nor will any individual have an
incentive to
provide such enlightenment. Hence the need for government to step
in.
Information failures also provide a rationale for public sector involvement
in activities
as diverse as drugs testing, health inspection of restaurants, banking
regulation,
insurance and the provision of job search centres for the unemployed.
These four sources of market failure point
to the need for government
Government
intervention
The public sector constitutes the major alternative
to free private markets. Hence,
a call for
government intervention is generally regarded as the logical consequence
of the
diagnosed market failures. As we have seen, public sector activity accounts for
sizeable proportions of all countries’ national output. Even in a country as
market-oriented as the US ,
government expenditure accounts for a third of GDP.
Governments can influence economic activity
in three major ways: taxation
and
subsidisation, regulation and public provision. Together, they constitute the
main elements
in the government’s microeconomic policy.
In evaluating the different modes of
intervention, attention is focused on their
efficiency
effects rather than the income distribution effects. Of course, in many
instances the
modality of intervention may be determined by equity or, indeed,
purely
political considerations. For example, it may be ‘easier’ in political terms
to boost farm
incomes by raising food prices than by providing highly transparent
subsidies of
an equivalent amount. For that reason, arguments about the
inefficiency
of one mode of transfer over another may often fall on deaf ears. Yet
research on
more effective ways of intervening, and on the costs and benefits of
Taxes and subsidies
Taxes and subsidies are used extensively to
distribute income.
Subsidies require taxes to finance them, and
this raises questions concerning the
optimal
structure of taxes. We have already referred to the rules which should
govern
indirect taxes: impose high tax rates on activities with low price elasticity
of demand and
low broadly-based rates on all other activities, assuming
that the
motivation for imposing taxes is simply to obtain revenue for the
government.
While most taxes are imposed for this
reason, there is another motivation
which merits
discussion. Taxes can sometimes be imposed not primarily in order
to collect
revenue, but to direct resources in a particular direction – e.g. a pollution
tax. In other
instances, the two motives overlap.By the same token,
while the bulk
of subsidies are transfer payments to lower-income groups, many
are provided
in order to encourage particular activities and regions
Returning to the example of the polluting
chemicals factory, it is easily shown that, if the government taxes the plant
by the amount EF for every unit produced, the firm’s private marginal cost is
increased and equals the social marginal cost, leading the firm to produce the
socially optimum output level of OQ_2. By taxing the polluter by the value of
the damage caused, the government is said to have ‘internalised’ the
externality. In general, an optimal government policy taxes firms or individuals
for the value of the external cost they cause and subsidises them to the value
of the external benefit they create. This is the rationale underlying, for
instance, taxes on fuel, and subsidies for education and industrial training.
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