Economics is the study of trade-offs
between different uses of scarce resources. Firms continuously trade off
current benefits from the distribution of dividends against future benefits
from retaining these profits and reinvesting them in the business. Managers and
workers trade off the career fruits of long and hard working hours against the
joys of leisure time. Consumers trade off the utility that could have been
attained by buying good X or Y for the utility derived from purchasing good Z
instead.
Arguably, the most important, and certainly
the most hotly debated, economic
trade-off is
the political choice between equity and efficiency. Conventional wisdom
suggests
that more equity leads to less efficiency, because equalisation of income and wealth
among individuals can reduce work incentives, as well as the aggregate level of
savings and investment .Conversely, unrestrained market forces result in
inequitable outcomes or, in the famous words of Arthur
Okun, ‘dollars
transgress on rights’.
Economists have attempted to check the link
between equity and efficiency empirically.This entails finding satisfactory
measures of the two concepts. Efficiency is usually measured by reference to
average GNP per capita.
Measuring equity is trickier. Economists
associate equity with an even distribution of income and wealth among
individuals. The main measure of income distribution is
derived from
the Lorenz curve, presented in Diagram 1.
The Lorenz curve plots the cumulative share
of income and wealth in ascending order against the cumulative percentage of
population. In Diagram 1, for instance, 80 percent of the population receives
only 50 per cent of the total income, while the richest 20 per cent enjoy the
remaining 50 per cent of the pie. The poorest fifth of the population receives
a mere 3 per cent of national income and wealth. This Lorenz curve thus depicts a society with considerable inequality. A country with
perfect equality of income and wealth, where each individual controls the same
amount of material goods,exhibits a straight Lorenz curve, called the ‘line of
equality’.
The more strongly the Lorenz curve diverges
from the line of equality, the greater
the degree
of inequality. This can be captured by a simple measure. The Gini coefficient is
the proportion of the area delimited by the line of equality and the Lorenz curve,
relative to the total area between the line of equality and the horizontal
axis. The index can take values between 0 and 1, where 0 means perfect equality
and 1 represents complete inequality.
Diagram 2 shows Gini indices for a
selection of high-income countries. The upper
bars
represent the distribution of disposable income among individuals. The lower
shaded bars
show what level of income inequality would have prevailed in
the absence
of government redistribution through progressive taxes and welfare
Two important conclusions can be drawn from
Diagram 2.
1. Market
forces alone produce highly unequal income distributions. The ‘before
redistribution’Gini indices for the 10 sample countries are contained in the
range
0.33_–_0.44.
2. Post-tax
distributions are much less unequal than pre-tax distributions. The ‘after
redistribution’
coefficients lie in the range 0.20_–_0.34. Tax and welfare payments
reduce
inequality to a significant extent.
Wealthy countries tend to be more equal in
overall income distribution than poor
countries._2
The UK, however, has experienced deteriorating inequality in recent years.Up to
the 1980s its Gini coefficient was 10 points below the US level; by the 1990s
the gap had fallen to only 5 points._3 Equity and efficiency do not necessarily
conflict. The 10 countries in Diagram 2 are all among the world’s very richest
and some are quite egalitarian. In developing countries, higher inequality in
income or land ownership tends to be associated with lower growth. It is argued
that big income and land ownership differentials reflect underinvestment in
education, divert government efforts from investment and growth promotion
towards the abatement of social conflict, and reduce the majority’s incentive
to save and invest.
The relationship between equity and
efficiency depends to some extent on individual attitudes and culture. In some
societies, income inequalities are condemned less, and financial work
incentives valued more, than in others. A political philosopher stated that
‘the combinations of equity and, say, economic growth attainable in a competitive
market economy full of individualistic materialists might be rather different from
those attainable in a co-operative economy run by and for ascetic altruists’._5
A poll conducted in 1990 showed that only 29 per cent of Americans thought it
was the government’s job to reduce income differentials, while 60_–_70 per cent
of Germans and Britons, and over 80 per cent of Italians and Austrians, were of
that opinion._6 The debate continues.
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