One of the best-known passages in the Wealth of Nations describes how the pursuit of self-interest leads to social benefit:
It is not from the
benevolence of the butcher, the brewer or the baker that we expect our dinner,
but from their regard to their own self-interest. We address ourselves, not to
their humanity, but to their self-love.
In retrospect, we see
that the imposition of centralised decision-making on an
economy can achieve
short-term successes. Among them might be included the
transformation of the
Soviet economy under Stalin and the restoration of the
Chinese economy under
Mao. But history suggests that the successes of such
centralisation soon
reach a limit. The postwar experience of Central Europe
confirms this conclusion.
Decades of socialism left this region weakened by
an inefficient
allocation of resources, by the erosion of innovation and by
technological
obsolescence.
One striking consequence
of the neglect of the price system by the socialist
countries was the
dramatic contrast between energy consumption patterns in
Eastern and Western
Europe. Between 1965 and 1985, the energy intensity of GDP
fell from 0.52 to 0.38
per cent in the West, while actually rising in the East over the
same period from 0.73 to
0.78 per cent._9 Because internal energy prices in the Eastern
economies were not set at the prevailing international levels, the increase
in world energy prices
in the early and late 1970s, ‘signalling’ the need for energy
conservation, was not
transmitted to their firms and consumers. As a result, industrialenergy
intensity in the 1990s was five times higher in Poland than in the US,and five
times higher in Hungary than in Germany. The high level of energy
intensity not only
implied a waste of energy due to underpricing, but also encouraged
the growth of heavy
pollution industries and gave insufficient incentives to
the development of less
energy-intensive methods of production.
Writing of the contrast
between East and West Germany, John Kay has
remarked that:
Whatever the superficial
attractions of central direction and control, in practice it literally failed
to deliver the goods. The immediate contrast between East and West Germany provided
as close to a controlled experiment as social science is ever likely to see.
The results of that experiment, and its dramatic end, imply that for the
foreseeable future the private value-maximising corporation will be the
principal engine of commercial activity in Europe.
The ‘private
value-maximising corporation’ is the same as the profit-maximising
firm which determines
supply. Given the increasing range and scope of the
market system, it has
become more important than ever to understand this
system and the role of
the firm in its working.
Where the institutional
prerequisites are absent, however, market capitalism
can get a bad name.
Essentially, the point is that the free market will not perform
efficiently without
moral restraints. A legal system based on the principles of
profit maximisation
would deliver little justice. Judges would make judgments on
the basis of the highest
bribes. Paradoxically, the market system and the pursuit
of self-interest will
operate effectively only when a significant proportion of the
workforce puts duty and
propriety ahead of personal advancement and prosperity.
It has often been
remarked that the definition of property rights based on the
market
system depends precisely on the lack of universality of motivations of the
market system. An
efficient economy needs an incorruptible judiciary and civil service. An
interesting question is whether the market itself tends to undermine some ofthe
values of trust, incorruptibility and restraint which we have identified as
essential to its proper
functioning. Evidence from the history of economic development suggests that,
while it may be relatively easy to pull down the monolith
of central economic
control and to reinstitute private property and free exchange,
it takes longer to
develop the cultural and social structures necessary to sustain a
truly successful society.
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