A single-seller monopoly can profitably
exploit its market power by practising
price
discrimination. That is, different segments of the market can be charged
different prices; hence their different price-sensitivities can be exploited.
Wherever
price
elasticity of demand differs, there is scope for price discrimination.
To see why, suppose a market can be
segmented into two parts: one representing
high-elasticity
customers and the other consisting of customers with a low
price
elasticity of demand. The respective demand curves are D_1 and D_2
,with the
corresponding marginal revenue (MR) curves MR_1 and MR_2.
We assume,
for simplicity, that the monopolist’s MC curve is constant and the
same for
each market.
In order to maximise profits, the
monopolist must set price such that its MR in
each market
equals its constant MC. The exercise will involve computing the MR
curve
corresponding to each demand curve. A combined MR curve can be derived
as a lateral
summation of the MR curve in each market. The combined marginal
revenue
curve, CMR in Figure 6.4, is derived in this way. When CMR cuts MC,
the firm’s
maximum profit point is attained.
In Figure 6.4,the MC and the CMR curve
intersect at E. Profits are maximised
when
marginal revenue equals OC. In market 2, we see from Figure 6.4
that the
level of output_sales corresponding to MR_2 # OC is OQ_2. At that sales
level, a
price of OP_2 can be charged. In market 1, marginal revenue of OC is earned on the OQ_1_th unit of sales. The price
obtainable in this price-sensitive
market is
only OP_1. The firm’s profits are therefore maximised by selling:
-OQ_1 at price OP_1 in market 1,
-OQ_2 at price OP_2 in market 2.
Price discrimination is common practice
wherever monopoly power exists. In
Chapter 4 we
introduced the theory of market segmentation and the pricing decision
in the case
of hotel rooms, football stadiums, theatres and suchlike. Utility
companies,
such as gas, electricity and telecoms, also resort to elaborate forms of
price
discrimination, and successful exporters are regularly accused of ‘dumping’
– i.e.
selling cheaper in the (price-elastic) world market than in their domestic
market. But a price-discriminating firm must be careful that the markets are
truly segmented, i.e. it must not be possible to arbitrage between them.
Otherwise, an intermediary could make money by buying the good in market 1 at
OP_1 and selling it into market 2 at OP_2. Assuming zero impediments between
markets, this arbitrage would continue until the prices in each market were
equalised. The presence of impediments, or transaction costs, gives scope for
divergence in price between one market and another. A firm obviously has an
incentive to spend resources on creating market segmentation, through
advertising campaigns and improved quality. Cosmetic changes to the product may
be made in order to avert accusations of exploitation or unfairness.This would
mean that the MC differs in each market and allowance would have to be made for
this in deciding the optimal sales level in each market. But the principles
guiding the decision would remain unchanged – it boils down to ascertaining the
level of MR through careful demand analysis, supplementing it with reliable
cost information and applying the appropriately adjusted marginal cost #
marginal revenue rules.
Price discrimination can also be
incorporated into a monopolist’s pricing strategy
through
charging two-part tariffs. Typical examples include telecom charges
involving a
fixed rental per quarter plus a price per call, or professional associations
charging a
membership fee allied to a concessionary members’ fee for conferences,
journal issues
and other services. The net effect is that different users are
charged
different amounts for the same service. The practices of ‘bundling’ or
‘full-line
forcing’, whereby a firm requires the customer to stock a range of its
products or
sells them on a ‘bundled’ as well as on a single-item basis, are other
forms of price
discrimination. These practices all presuppose the presence of some
monopoly
power.
Price discrimination is widely practised.
This is because it can be important for
the bottom
line. Dolan and Simon observe that, for given cost structures, a 1 per
cent boost
in average price yields a net profit increase of 12 per cent to the average
company and
adding it to net profit. At the same time, price discrimination can
be hard to
document. Fear of adverse consumer reaction and of attracting the
attention of
the competition authorities makes firms cautious about publishing
details.
They are more likely to try to explain price discrimination by claiming
that the
dearer product is of superior quality or that the costs of supply and
distribution vary between markets, or by offering complicated pricing
structures and
elaborate
bundling. Of course, if the products are not identical, prices could
diverge without this
constituting price discrimination in the economist’s sense.
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