Owners pay executives a base salary, but
they also tie remuneration to profits by
payment of
various forms of profit-related incentives. Examples include profit bonuses, fixed-term contracts which
are renewable if a profit target is reached,
and share
options. Share options are both a reward for past performance and an
incentive to
future effort, since a rising share price will increase the value of the
options. Another
possibility is for shareholders to apply the ‘stick’ of critical
review of
management performance at annual general meetings.
Profit-related incentives are only a
partial answer to the problem of divergent
objectives._1
First, the link between executive pay and managerial effort is difficult
to quantify.
At the time of the takeover of Chrysler in 1998, Daimler executives
were
surprised to discover that the compensation package given to one senior
Chrysler
executive exceeded the collective remuneration of Daimler’s entire executive .Did
the Chrysler executives really work all that much harder
as a result?
They certainly worked less effectively, since Daimler was taking them
over . Second,
a more difficult problem is that the relationship between a firm’s
profitability and managerial effort can be erratic. Profits can rise or fall
because of
macroeconomic
developments or because of a run of good or bad luck. The 1990s
was a
prosperous decade for business: recovery from recession, low inflation and
falling
unemployment. Profits boomed as did corporate pay, but it would be hard
to argue
that the high remuneration caused the economic boom. Proof of the
pudding in
this instance may well be executives’ reluctance to rely too much on
profit or
share-price-related remuneration. Even after the share price and profits
collapse of
2001_–_03, remuneration committees awarded hefty pay increases to
senior
executives, much to the chagrin of shareholders. Minimum service contracts
and ‘golden
parachutes’ also moderate the impact of profit-related incentives. Not
surprisingly, empirical studies indicate that the correlation between executive
pay and company performance is weak._2
Despite these qualifications, shareholders
continue to pay high levels of remuneration to their executives. Compensation
of the highest paid executives has
escalated
and the gap between executive and shopfloor pay has widened. In the
1970s, the
typical chief executive of a large American company earned about 40
times more
than the average factory worker. Nowadays, the same executive earns
over 475
times more. Executive pay was rarely out of the news in the UK , with
attention
focusing on the pay of senior executives of several privatised industries.
Executive
share option schemes were particularly popular in the US . In 1998
alone, 92 of
America ’s
200 leading chief executives were given options with an
average
minimum value if exercised of $31m._3 Of course, high executive
remuneration may prove a good bargain for the owner-shareholders if they
achieve even a mild motivation effect.
Shareholders may also acquiesce in high pay for
their
executives because, being dispersed and numerous, they have little
economic
incentive to monitor management directly. An individual shareholder
will bear
heavy costs for organising such monitoring, but the benefits will accrue
to all other
shareholders. Hence each individual shareholder has an incentive to
sit tight
and hope that another shareholder will take the initiative. This is an
instance of
a pervasive problem in economic life called the free-rider problem.
The need to bind executive pay more closely
to profit performance has been a
prevailing
theme of debate during the past few years. The rash of corporate scandals
in the US , in
companies such as Enron, WorldCom, Tyco International,
Global
Crossing and Adelphi Communications to name but a few, exposed the
vulnerability
of shareholders and employees to malpractice by top executives and
accountants.
Misstatements of profits through what were euphemistically called
‘aggressive’
accounting practices and the abuse of executive incentive schemes
were
exposed. Share option schemes were often set up with blithe disregard of the
interests of
shareholders, and their cost to the firm was not charged in a transparent
way against
the profit and loss account. The Sarbanes–Oxley Act of 2002
was enacted
in order to redesign the regulation of US publicly listed firms, the
composition
of their boards and their reporting practices. A new Accounting
Oversight
Board has been set up to review company audits. Europe
has to a large
extent
avoided American-style excesses. In Britain , the Cadbury Committee
recommended
that executive remuneration committees should be composed
primarily of
non-executive directors, and the Greenbury Report oncorporate governance made
further recommendations, one being full disclosure of directors’ remuneration
as a way of enhancing accountability.
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